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Lynn in the Revolution Chapter X. At West Point
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Transcribed by Shaun Cook To help
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ON the seventh
of October, 1777, the second battle of Bemis's Heights was fought, and on
the seventeenth of October, when Burgoyne signed the articles of
convention drawn up by the still unconquered foe, the British gave up their hold
on the Hudson River. Nevertheless there remained the hope, if not the
expectation, that by some turn in the fortunes of war they might yet seize this
centre, and effect that division of the colonies which had at first been
planned. Well realizing this fact, no amount of vigilance was spared by the
Commander-in-Chief of the American forces to keep this region well
fortified, for even the moving of active hostilities toward the South did not
remove the danger which might at any time threaten the posts on the Hudson. The
summer of 1780 came near furnishing the opportunity for that turn of affairs
which would have thrown this region into the hands of the enemy and changed
perhaps the whole course of the war. It was the period which has often been
referred to as the darkest, and even the soul of Washington was ready to succumb
under the weight of discouragements which he had been obliged to meet. In New
York, since 1776, the British had ruled with a high hand. Few inhabitants were
there save Royalist sympathizers, the Loyalist merchants, and the great
army which was in possession, and the city showed the effects of its alien
population. Twice it had been swept by fire, and for nearly three years some of
its
[ 130 ]
churches and largest buildings had been used
to house the unhappy prisoners which the British had taken. In the harbor had
been anchored not only the British ships-of-war, but the terrible
prison-ships upon which the starved and miserable patriot soldiers perished by
hundreds. Impossible as it may be to fully picture to ourselves the misery to
our farmer soldiers of confinement in these infamous pens, something of their
horror we feel as we read the descriptions which have come down to us, and we scan
the records of our own men to see if any perchance suffered this special torture.
We find not infrequently the words "taken prisoner" beside their names,
and know that in most cases this meant taken to the prisons in New York. More
than one died on the most notorious of all the prison-ships, the "Jersey," which
was anchored in New York Harbor during the latter years of the war. In view of the
fact that it was not always easy to keep their own army supplied with
provisions, it is scarcely to be wondered at, perhaps, that prisoners taken
by the British should have died of starvation as well as disease, but the
cruelty and inhumanity of the treatment which they otherwise received can only
be explained by the barbarism of war.
The winter of 1779 and 1780 had been
an especially hard one for both armies, marked as it was by such severe cold
that for weeks the harbor and rivers were frozen solid enough for teams to drive
across. The snow along the Hudson, where the Americans were encamped, was said
to have been four feet deep on a level, and it was with great difficulty that
communication could be kept open between the posts. Many soldiers that winter
suffered from frost-bites, and one man was frozen to death
[ 131 ]
on his way from New Windsor to the garrison at
West Point. Yet New York streets were brilliant with redcoats and gay
uniforms, and balls and dinners beguiled the time for the foreign soldiers, and
kept up the courage of the merchant and small trader. There were no
military operations at the North during this time, and the spring saw the
departure for the South of a portion of the main body of the British army under
Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis. Clinton did not remain long at the
South, but his army during its short stay effected a notable victory at
Charleston, where it captured General Lincoln and his whole army. Leaving
Lord Cornwallis in command there, Sir Henry returned to New York just in
time to prevent a combined attack against the city by the American and French
armies. The arrival of reinforcements from France, under Count Rochambeau, had
suggested to Washington the possibility of wresting from the enemy the city
which was now the only point held by them in the North with the exception of the
post at the mouth of the Penobscot. The plan had to be given up, however, when
Clinton appeared with the strong naval force which he was able to gather. There
arrived with him from the South at this time, as his adjutant, the young Major
John Andre, and at about the same time General Arnold, who had been in command
at Philadelphia, was appointed by Washington commander at West Point. Then were
brought into close proximity the two men whose names were henceforth to be
inseparably united. General Arnold, who had been conspicuous for his
bravery in Canada, at Fort Stanwix, in the vicinity of his home in
Connecticut, and at Saratoga, admired and eagerly followed by
[ 132 ]
the men whom he had commanded, trusted, of
Washington, now came to West Point, resentful and revengeful, with the
deliberate plan of betraying into the hands of the enemy the forts on the
Hudson. In an old colonial mansion at the lower end of Broadway Sir Henry
Clinton and his adjutant, Andre, discussed the plot and perfected their plans.
In another colonial mansion on the east bank of the Hudson River, a little
below West Point, General Arnold made his headquarters, and there brought his
beautiful young wife and infant son. There too, he continued his secret and
anonymous correspondence which he had already begun with Sir Henry Clinton
through Andre. His own identity, however, was now revealed to his
correspondent, since he wrote from the house which was known to be the
headquarters of the commander of the Northern Army.
Most of the men whose
duty it was to hold the posts upon the Hudson were from New England, and some of
our Lynn men, whose term of service had not run out, had been for some time in
the neighborhood, serving under Colonel Rufus Putnam and Colonel Greaton. Now,
however, in response to the call of the state for additional troops for the
service on the Hudson, and later to the request of Washington for a
reinforcement of militia in addition to the state's regular quota, more than
fifty men marched from Lynn to West Point. Under the first resolve, dated June
the fifth, 1780, the state had called for men to serve for six months, and the
selectmen of Lynn had met accordingly and provided for raising her quota. This
body of men under Captains George Webb and Thomas Pritchard arrived at
Springfield on the eleventh of July, where they joined General Glover's
[
133 ]
brigade, and proceeded to their destination. In response to the
second resolve of June the twenty-second, whereby nearly five thousand men were
to be raised, our own men were enlisted in Captain Addison Richardson's company in
the Essex County regiment, which was placed under the command of Colonel
Nathaniel Wade, and were to serve three months. These men, therefore, together with the
six months' men previously enlisted, were in the neighborhood of West Point
when General Arnold arrived to take command. Whatever experiences they had during
this short service, - and to a few probably it was their first
service, since there were some whose ages ranged from sixteen to nineteen years,
- all sank into insignificance beside the development and
discovery of what General Glover described as that "most infernal plot," the
frustration of which, he said, "must be imputed to the interposition of Divine
Providence." At the risk of repeating an oft-told tale, it seems necessary to
outline the main features of this mournful affair in order to bring before
us the event which cast a gloom over the whole army, and caused Washington to
exclaim sadly, "Whom can we trust now!"
Benedict Arnold came early upon the stage of American military
affairs, having, as a boy of fifteen, run away to serve in the old French War,
not, however, with any distinction, but bearing out the estimate of his
Connecticut neighbors, who described him as "an uncommonly active,
prompt, saucy, roguish, and impetuous lad," - "rash, headstrong, and regardless
alike of friends and foes." As a man, at the beginning of the Revolution,
those who knew him best considered him a man "of sensitive pride and temper,"
yet "generous and
[ 134 ]
thoughtful of others." Such a man he had shown
himself during the early years of the war, and, had he received on the
battlefield of Saratoga a mortal wound instead of
the
severe one which only for long prevented his actively engaging in military service, his name would have been among those
most honored in the annals of the war. Long before that battle of Saratoga,
however, he had been greatly aggrieved by the slights which he felt had been put
upon him by Congress, and he had written to Wash-
[ 135 ]
ington in complaint and sworn to Gates, "By
heavens! I am a villain if I seek not a brave revenge for injured honor!" In
June, 1778, after the departure of the British from Philadelphia, he had
been placed in command there, and for two years lived in a style scarcely less
gay and extravagant than had his British predecessor, Sir William Howe.
Attractive in appearance and manner, he became a favorite among the moderate
Tories of the city, and in the spring of 1779 married the beautiful daughter of
one of them. His manner of living was bitterly criticised by the pronounced
patriots, who remonstrated with him not only for his expenditures, but also
for his apparent friendliness with the Loyalist party. With the accumulation of
debts, suspicion became aroused against him, and, finally, charges preferred by
the council of Pennsylvania were referred by Congress to a
courtmartial. The many months which were allowed to elapse before he was
brought to trial served to embitter him the more, and, although he was finally
exonerated from the charges which involved his honor, and received only a mild
reprimand from the Commander-in-Chief for the acts which were deemed irregular,
his decision had already been formed to go over to the British side. For months
he had been corresponding with Sir Henry Clinton under an assumed name,
representing himself as an American officer, high in rank, who for sufficient
considerations would throw in his lot with that of the invading army.
In order to carry out his design, he applied to Washington for the command
of the post at West Point. Washington would have preferred to give him a command
on the right wing of the army, but upon his still pleading disability on account
of his wound the
[ 136 ]
Commander-in-Chief, with perfect confidence still in
his integrity, granted his request. Thus during the first week of August, Arnold
established himself on the Hudson.
The correspondence with Clinton now
reached a point where only a personal interview was needed to perfect the plan
of betraying into British hands the posts which Arnold commanded. The time
chosen for such an interview was when Washington, whose headquarters were
at Tappan, only a few miles below West Point, was absent in Connecticut in
conference with the French Count Rochambeau.
At night, on the twenty-first of
September, Major John Andre, wearing the gold-laced uniform of a British officer,
covered by a long blue coat, was rowed to the western shore of the Hudson
River, and landed at a lonely place a few miles below Stony Point. There he
was met by Arnold, and a conference between the two men lasted until nearly dawn,
when Arnold proposed that Andre should remain on shore until the next night.
Proceeding to the house of Joshua H. Smith, the man who had rowed Andre ashore,
their plans were soon completed. Drawings of the fort and an account
of its defences were given to Andre, and the following night, clothed in the
dress of a citizen, he was conducted by his host across King's Ferry to the eastern
side of the river, where the two men spent the night. On the morning of the
twenty-third, Smith accompanied Andre to the neutral ground beyond the American
lines, and then left him with the assurance that the road to the British
lines was plain and safe, although advising him to keep to the
left-hand inland route. Andre, however, disregarded this latter advice, and soon
after parting with Smith turned off to the right, taking
[ 137 ]
the river road. Before noon he was taken, just
as he was emerging from Sleepy Hollow, above Tarrytown. The three men who
stepped out upon the road to bar his progress, he at first supposed to belong to
that class of men called cow-boys - marauders and plunderers - who
yet belonged to the British side, and with whom he would be safe. Quickly discovering his mistake, he
showed them his pass from Arnold, but too late to allay their suspicions, and
he was accordingly searched. The incriminating papers were found in
the soles of his stockings. No arguments or offers of money would induce the men
to let him go, - "Not for ten thousand guineas," declared the leader, would
they release him, - and his horse was accordingly turned about, and
he was led to North Castle, where the men delivered their prisoner into the
hands of Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, who commanded there. The next morning
Colonel Jameson ordered Andre to be taken to Arnold's headquarters, the papers
being sent to the Commander-in-Chief at Tappan. Had Andre succeeded in reaching
Arnold, his own escape, as well as that of Arnold, would have been assured. As
it was, he had scarcely set out when Major Tallmadge, next in rank to Colonel
Jameson, arrived at North Castle, and, learning what had occurred, immediately
suspected Arnold's treachery. By his earnest advice an officer was sent to
overtake Andre and return him to North Castle. A letter, however, had been sent
to Arnold, apprising him of the capture of "one John Anderson," which was
allowed to proceed on its way. This, reaching Arnold just before the return of
Washington from his mission at Hartford, enabled the traitor to make good his
escape, although too late for any assistance to be given to Andre. The
[ 138
]
latter was taken to Salem and then to
headquarters at Tappan.
The immediate works at West Point were now, in the absence
of their commander, Colonel Lamb, in the temporary command of our Massachusetts
colonel, Nathaniel Wade, and under the latter were more than half of
the Lynn men who had left home that summer. The letter which Washington immediately
sent to Colonel Wade contained the following: -
"General Arnold
is gone to the enemy. I have just now received a line from him enclosing one to
Mrs. Arnold, dated on board the Vulture. I request that you will be as vigilent
as possible, and as the enemy may have it in contemplation to attempt some
enterprise, even to-night, against these posts, I wish you to make, immediately
after the receipt of this, the best disposition you can of your force, so as to
have a proportion of men in each work on the west side of the river."
This
gives us a hint regarding the position which a part of our men occupied at this
time.
At Tappan a court-martial, ordered by Washington, was held, in which
sat some of the ablest generals of the war, among them General Glover, of
Marblehead. The unanimous report was that Andre, as a spy from the enemy, should
suffer death. Yet his interesting personality and manly bearing had drawn
to himself the sympathy of both armies, and the sad ending of his career
was one which was felt with deep regret by friend and foe.
On Monday,
October the second, 1780, Major Andre was led to the gallows, his request to be
shot having been refused. General Glover, in whose brigade were the six
[ 139 ]
months' men from Lynn, was officer of the
day, and there is little doubt that these Lynn men were present at the
execution. One of the men chosen to beat taps with muffled drums was Isaac
Organ, of Lynn, a drum-major in Colonel John Greaton's regiment and famous in
his day as a drummer. Thus was closed one of the most pathetic incidents of the
war, and one which was told beside Lynn firesides for many years by men who
were eye-witnesses of the event.
The following lists will give, so far as is known,
the men who went from Lynn to West Point that summer: -
SIX MONTHS'
MEN DRAFTED FOR SERVICE IN JULY, 1780, FROM THE TOWN OF LYNN.
John Mead
Ebenezer Parsons
Joshua Danforth
Andrew Mansfield
Joseph Burrill
Ezra Moulton
Philip Coats
John Brown
John Flynn
Andrew Newhall
Benjamin Newhall
Samuel Bates
Oliver Walton
James Newhall
Noah Newhall
Allen
Newhall
Blaney Newhall
Joseph Lindsey
Theophilus Farrington
Benjamin Jacobs
Daniel Parrott
Thos. Hitchings
Ebenezer Ramsdell
Richard Pappoon
THREE
MONTHS' MEN IN CAPTAIN RICHARDSON'S COMPANY, COLONEL NATHANIEL WADE'S ESSEX
COUNTY REGIMENT, ENLISTED IN JULY, 1780, FOR SERVICE AT WEST POINT.
Jos.
Stocker, 1st Lieut.
Josiah Martin, 2nd Lieut.
Joseph Lewis
Benjamin Massey
[
140 ]
John Ireson, Sergt.
Nathl.
Tarbox, Sergt.
Micajah Newhall, Corporal
Thos. Cheever, Corporal
Wm.
Mansfield, Corporal
Thos. Attwill, Fifer
John
Cheever
Robert Felt
John Hallowell
Joshua Howard
Rufus Johnson
Isaac Lewis
Caleb Lewis
Thomas Newman
Solomon Newhall
David Newhall
Josiah Rhodes
Joseph Rhodes
John Symons (may be
"Simms")
John Smith
Wm. Tarbox
James Thompson
Nathaniel Viall
Thos. White
Caleb Wellman
Micajah Burrill
[ 141 ]
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